The notion of American exceptionalism — that the United States is uniquely destined to lead the world due to its superior values and capabilities — has been deeply embedded in the national consciousness for generations. This belief, cultivated by political, business, and intellectual elites, frames the US as a force for good, a beacon of liberty and democracy that must guide the world. Yet, this self-image, so central to the American identity, has also become a source of dangerous rigidity, blinding the nation to the realities of its own decline and the limitations of its power.
As the US clings to its vision of global leadership, the symptoms of systemic decline — economic inequality, political dysfunction, and imperial overreach — are increasingly apparent. Yet rather than confronting these challenges with introspection and reform, American discourse has turned hawkish, driven by a zero-sum mentality that glorifies confrontation and dismisses compromise as weakness. This mindset, which views any challenge to US primacy as an existential threat, has led to a perilous cycle of threat inflation and military overcommitment, particularly in the face of China’s rise.
China’s rapid ascent on the global stage represents more than just an economic or technological challenge. It strikes at the heart of American exceptionalism. The idea that another nation, especially one with a vastly different political system, could surpass the US is profoundly unsettling. It evokes a deep sense of wounded pride and fuels a narrative that portrays China not merely as a competitor, but as an existential menace. This narrative, framing China as a malevolent force undermining the American way of life, has become a rallying cry for those who equate American greatness with unchallenged dominance.
However, this narrative is as much about internal insecurities as it is about external threats. The fear of being eclipsed by China reflects a broader anxiety about the erosion of US power and the decline of its global influence. In this context, the “China menace” serves as both a scapegoat for America’s problems and a justification for the preservation of its imperial ambitions. The result is a dangerous spiral of narcissistic competition, where each side views the other’s actions through the lens of its own insecurities, assuming the worst possible motives.
This toxic dynamic is not only unsustainable, but also deeply at odds with the principles of democracy and self-determination that America once championed. As John Quincy Adams warned in his famous 4 July 1821 speech, America should be “the well-wisher to the freedom and independence of all” but “the champion and vindicator only of her own”. Adams cautioned that by seeking to destroy foreign “monsters”, America would become entangled in wars driven by “individual avarice, envy, and ambition”, leading to a fundamental shift from liberty to force, from a republic to an empire.
Adams’ warning remains prescient today. The pursuit of global dominance has led the US into a series of costly and counter-productive interventions, eroding its moral authority and entangling it in conflicts that serve the interests of a few at the expense of the many. The exceptionalist mindset, which sees the US as the indispensable nation, has blinded it to the lessons of history – that empires are not sustained by force alone, and that overreach leads to decline.
The shadow of empire, which has long loomed over American foreign policy, must now be confronted. The fantasy of eternal primacy — of a world remade in the image of American power — has led to hubris and diverted attention from the more pressing need for domestic renewal. The US must recognise that its greatest strength lies not in its ability to dominate others, but in its capacity for self-improvement and collaboration.
To move forward, the US will need to cultivate a new kind of leadership – one rooted in humility, restraint, and enlightened self-interest. This means letting go of the imperial ambitions that have driven its foreign policy for much of the past century and embracing a more cooperative, multipolar world order. It requires a foreign policy of strategic empathy – an understanding that other nations, including China, have their own legitimate interests and perspectives, and that these must be respected if global peace and stability are to be maintained.
This path is not an easy one. It demands a painful reckoning with the limitations of American power and a willingness to engage in meaningful reform at home. But as US-China tensions escalate, the urgency of this transformation has never been greater. Pride and shame may drive nations to conflict, but reason, reconciliation, and a commitment to shared humanity offer a way out of the spiral of competition.
In the end, the choice before the US is stark: continue down the path of imperial overreach, or embrace a new role in the world – one that is less about dominance and more about partnership. The latter may require a painful “ego death” for those invested in the myth of American exceptionalism, but it is the only path that can lead to a sustainable and just global order.
As Adams so wisely noted, an America that seeks to remake the world in its own image will lose the very spirit that made it a beacon of hope. It is time for the US to reclaim that spirit – not through force, but through the example of a nation that understands its own strengths and limitations, and that seeks not to dominate, but to lead by example in a world of equals.
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